Violent Episodes Grow in Tanzania, an African Haven
By NICHOLAS KULISH
Published: June 30, 2013
DAR ES SALAAM, Tanzania — As one of the leaders of an acrimonious 
doctors’ strike in Tanzania, Dr. Stephen Ulimboka was not entirely 
surprised when a group of armed men appeared, unannounced, at a meeting 
and arrested him. But when he saw that the car they were forcing him 
into had no license plates, fear truly hit him. 
| American and Tanzanian flags lined a street in Dar es Salaam, the capital, on Sunday, ahead of a visit by President Obama | 
A black hood was thrown over his head. “You’re going to pay for what 
you’ve been doing,” Dr. Ulimboka recalled one of the men saying. “You 
can start praying to your God because there is no turning back.” 
They beat him for hours on that June night last year, first with their 
fists, then with metal rods. They pulled the toenails from both of his 
big toes. As he lay on the ground, he heard them discussing the best way
 to kill him: running him over with the car or giving him a lethal 
injection. He was unsure if he would live till daybreak. 
Tanzania has a reputation abroad as an island of stability in the 
often-chaotic region of East Africa. The country has been rewarded with 
praise and money from international donors, including the United States,
 which last year gave the country more than $480 million. 
President Obama arrives here on Monday to a country where human rights 
groups and the largest opposition party say episodes of intimidation and
 suppression of political opponents are growing. “The international 
community believes there is peace in Tanzania,” said Willibrod Slaa, the secretary general of the opposition party, Chadema. “There is fear, not peace.” 
Journalists have been attacked and in at least one instance killed while
 working. Last July, the government banned an independent weekly 
newspaper, Mwanahalisi, which had been reporting aggressively on Dr. 
Ulimboka’s kidnapping, linking the crime to the government. President 
Jakaya Kikwete denied any connection. 
“I don’t feel secure,” said Saed Kubenea, managing editor at Hali Halisi
 Publishers Ltd., which owns Mwanahalisi. “But I will fight.” 
The Committee to Protect Journalists, a nonprofit organization based in New York, urged Mr. Obama last week to raise the issue of freedom of the press when he meets with Mr. Kikwete on Monday. 
The political violence reached a new, unexpected level last month, when a
 hand grenade was thrown at a rally organized by Chadema in the northern
 city of Arusha, killing four people. No suspect has been identified, 
and the investigation is continuing.        
At the party offices here in Dar es Salaam the other day, a fleet of 
motorcycles used for reaching isolated constituencies in villages 
accessible only by dirt road sat parked out back. Party officials placed
 a silver laptop on a table and showed a video from the rally in Arusha. 
In the footage, party leaders gave speeches from atop a truck with 
built-in speakers. Afterward, they descended into the crowd and began 
collecting donations. A blast sent people scattering. A handful of 
wounded and dead were frantically gathered and carried to the bed of a 
pickup truck that took them to receive medical treatment, leaving behind
 a blacktop slick with blood. 
“It is intimidation,” Mr. Slaa said. “The people will be afraid to go to
 the polling stations, and the active ones will have been eliminated.” 
Chadema officials have publicly claimed that the man responsible was 
either working with, or protected by, the police. They say the party 
will produce videotape proving their charge, but only after an 
independent commission has been named to investigate. 
Paul A. M. Chagonja, commissioner of police for operations, called the 
allegations “frivolous” and “unfounded,” and said the party was 
obligated to furnish law enforcement with any evidence in its 
possession. 
“The core function of the police is to protect the people,” Mr. Chagonja
 said. “We are not allied with any political party.” 
Tanzania, home to Mount Kilimanjaro, is a popular tourist destination 
for safaris in the Serengeti. The nation has been lauded for its ethnic 
cohesion, rising above the kind of tribal violence that rocked Kenya 
after that country’s elections in 2007. Although a church bombing in 
May, also in Arusha, raised concerns that religious tensions could rise,
 Tanzania is relatively free of sectarian strife. That is one reason Mr.
 Obama scheduled a visit here. 
 Yet the Tanzanian government has essentially remained in the hands of 
the same party since gaining independence half a century ago. Tanzania 
held its first multiparty elections in 1995, but the ruling party, Chama
 cha Mapinduzi, or Party of the Revolution in Swahili, has won the 
national elections each time since.        
 Analysts say the very real prospect that voters will choose another 
party in the next election, in 2015, has rattled some members of the 
government, particularly those who are afraid that a new party in power 
could mean aggressive investigations and prosecutions. 
“I think there is a rear-guard element in ruling circles who have never 
accepted this,” said Jenerali Ulimwengu, a prominent Tanzanian 
journalist. “They haven’t been reined in by the political bosses because
 they are shaky and unsure.” The result, Mr. Ulimwengu said, “can be 
quite deadly, as we’ve seen over the past couple of years.” 
Abdulrahman Kinana, secretary general of the ruling party, known as 
C.C.M., said it was prepared to accept a defeat at the ballot box. “We 
were always ready to transfer power if the people decide,” he said, 
adding that C.C.M. won the country’s “free and fair elections” by 
reaching out more effectively to voters. He pointed to the dozen or so 
daily newspapers available here as evidence of a vibrant local news 
media. 
But the government “needs to tell us what happened to those people who 
were either killed or attacked,” Mr. Kinana said. “Most of these crimes 
have not gotten an explanation.” 
The men who kidnapped and tortured Dr. Ulimboka took him to a forest, 
where he was dumped into a hole about three feet deep, his arms and legs
 bound. He laid as still as possible, hoping the men would believe he 
was already dead. He waited for about half an hour after they left 
before struggling to free his legs. 
He walked toward the sound of a road, his hands still bound behind his 
back, the rope biting deeply into his wrists. There, he found help and 
was taken to a police station and later to a hospital. His kidneys were 
failing, and he had to be flown to South Africa for treatment. 
A year later, most of his injuries have healed, though he said that when
 he combed his hair, he felt the numb spots where his nerves had been 
damaged in the savage beatings. He does not fear for himself at a time 
when people are killed at public gatherings. 
“People,” Dr. Ulimboka said, “can just kill you anywhere.”        
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